The Culture of Science

In many ways, science has its own culture separate from other subjects of academia. This is especially true in the area of disagreements. Disagreements are abundant in areas history, anthropology, political science, law, and elsewhere. Science, however, is seen by everyone outside the profession to be constant and universally agreed upon. That could not be further from the truth.

In the 1920's through the 1940's Albert Einstein worked on an idea that was contrary to the popularly held ideas. Most scientist at the time agreed that there was some substance in the universe (an ether) that light traveled through. Light was seen as a wave and waves worked by disturbing a material and moving as the energy was transferred, much like a wave travels through water. Einstein saw a problem. There was no material in space. Space, by definition, was empty, so how did light travel?

His theory sounded absurd to almost everyone listening. He was ridiculed, and shunned but a few others saw what he did. They began teaching this to their students and researching the possibilities on their own. As time passed, more and more people began to agree. As those students became professors and the "Old Men" died off or became obsolete, the idea began to take hold in the scientific community. This is how science changes. Not by leaps and bounds to experimentation but by the slow influx of new ideas and the slow ousting of those to hold onto the old ways.

This has happened throughout history with people like Capernicus, Galileo, Newton, and many others. One modern example is evolution. No matter your religious stance, science sees things its own way, and it is often a "my way or the highway" approach. The modern theory of evolution, an extrapolation of the general theory first proposed by Charles Darwin, is thought by many scientists to be lacking. Their most powerful argument is that the statistics make it impossible. There is a point in statistical mathematics where something is so statistically improbable that in the real universe it is believed to be impossible. Like when I asked Tiffany out in high school and she said I had a "snowball's chance." Mathematically speaking, there must be some small chance that a snowball could survive given the right conditions but we all know, I was not going to be taking her out on a date, ever.

There are many scientists that believe in the current theory of evolution with and almost religious fervor but many of the younger generation can see that the evidence to the contrary is impressive. It is possible, if function follows form, that as the younger scientists gain more acclaim and move into more powerful positions, this idea could eventually be ousted for a more conservative one. If it does, they will be following the format that science has used since the beginning of the scientific method (scientific method, bah!).

The Value of Shock

It was an emotionally dark and stormy night in Stillwater, Oklahoma. I was in a parking lot that served the largest student union building ever built. I sat on the bed of James' 87 Ford pick-up, the love of his life, while quickly drinking the last of a six-pack of Corona Extra. As I finished I took a breath, waiting for the burning in the back of my throat to dissipate. After a few seconds I sat the last bottle back into its cardboard carrier and said, "James, say something funny." Without missing a beat he looked up at me from his standing position on the ground, put on his best Sam Elliot impression and said,

"I like my women like I like my scotch, twelve years old and mixed up with coke."

I broke out in tears and fits of laughter. I never expected him so say something so vulgar, yet perfectly hidden in prose. Inside of a joke originally meant to be charming he had placed the soul of a demon. This is shock value.

Shock permeates American culture. From comedy (http://youtu.be/xSHBvwnOARQ) to political maneuvers (http://youtu.be/s_4rw2trTtM) we can see it everywhere. "Shock value is the potential of and image, text, or other form of communication to provoke a reaction of disgust, shock, anger, fear, or similar negative emotion." (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shock_value 6-3-2011 23:15 MST) With these negative emotions come an enhanced response, either positive or negative, that presenter of the media was (hopefully) searching for in return.

This can be a highly effective tool in the right hands. In the above comedy-related video, the makers used shock value to exaggerate reality and enhance the viewers response to the video in a way that would be funny (read: absolutely hilarious!). In the above politically-related video one can see in the first few seconds that the makers were using emotion-filled words to try to demonize a political figure to reinforce their own political standing. On the other hand these videos could have a galvanizing effect on the viewer. For this reason shock value is rarely used in more serious and mainstream areas, such as mainstream news or true diplomacy.

Internet-Based Counterculture

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Language Acquisition

According to Kristin Denham and Anne Lobeck’s textbook, Linguistics for Everyone: An Introduction (2010), first language acquisition varies but that all children tend to go through five stages. The first stage, babbling tends to take place when the infant is five to nine months old. Children enter the one-word stage when they are nine to nineteen months old. They begin to be able to say two words when they are eighteen to twenty-four months old. Children usually enter the early multiword stage when they are twenty-four to thirty months old. Finally, children enter the fifth stage, the later multiword stage which takes place once they are thirty months old, and they stay in this stage for the remainder of their lives (Denhem and Lobeck 2010:35 – 40). However, despite western notions that children’s first language acquisition is universal, Don Kulick and Ochs and Schieffelin’s studies of children’s first language acquisition show that this is not the case.

According to Don Kulick’s book, Language Shift and Cultural Reproduction: Socialization, Self, and Syncretism in a Papua New Guinean Village, first language acquisition varies more so than Denham and Lobeck state. Kulick writes, “A large number of village children do not being constructing simple three-word sentences until they are nearly 3 years old” (Kulick 1992:101). The simple three-word sentences that Kulick talks about would fall under the Denham and Lobeck’s definition of the early multiword stage. However, Denham and Lobeck say that the early multiword stage ends when a child is thirty months old, and Kulick says that the children in the Papua New Guinean village do not enter the multiword stage until they are nearly three, nearly thirty-six months old. This is well past the age of Denham and Lobeck specify for the early multiword stage.

In addition, all caregivers do not have to interact with an infant in the same exact way, in a western way in order for the child to learn language as was preciously assumed. In their essay, “Language Acquisition and Socialization: Three Developmental Stories and their Implications” (1984), Elinor Ochs and Bambi B. Schieffelin compare and contrast the ways in which Anglo-American white middle-class, Kaluli, and Samoan caregivers interact with infants. Ochs and Scheffelin argue, “the biological predispositions constraining and shaping social behavior of infants and caregivers must be broader than thus far conceived in that the use of eye gaze, vocalization, and body alignment are orchestrated differently in the social groups we have observed” (Ochs and Schieffelin 1984:299). Unlike Anglo-American mothers, Kaluli mothers do not make eye contact with infants because they are scared of witchcraft, and Kalui and Samoan children participate in triadic and multiparty social interaction instead of just the didactic social interactions that Anglo-American children are expected to participate in in order to become socialized. In addition, a Kaluli mother does not respond to her child unless the child speaks correctly. Anglo-American mothers, on the other hand, respond to incorrect speech (Ochs and Schieffelin 1984:299 – 301). In other words, there are different practices of child rearing which lead to differences in first language acquisition.

Essentially, many aspects of language acquisition that are assumed to be universal are in fact highly culturally variable. Ochs and Schieffelin write, “What caregivers say and how they interact with young children are motivated in part by concerns and beliefs held by many members of the local community” (Ochs and Schieffelin 1984:302). In other words, the way in which caregivers interact with children is often determinant through culture.

Denham, Kristin and Lobeck, Anne. 2010 The Human Capacity for Language. Linguistics for Everyone: an Introduction. 29 – 63. Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning.

Kulick, Dan. 1992 Having Hed. In Language Shift and Culturla Reproduction: Socialization, Self and Syncretism in a Papua New Guinea Village. 92 – 117. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Ochs, Elinor and Schieffelin, Bambi. 1984 Language Acquisition and Socialization: Three

Developmental Stories and Their Implications. In R. A. Shweder and R. A. LeVine, eds. Culture Theory: Essays on Mind, Self and Emotion. 276 – 320. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Lack of Incentive, Lack of Action

In “The Environmental Challenge to China’s Future” (2004), Elizabeth C. Economy looks at how China’s environment has suffered greatly at the hands of modernization, urbanization, and population growth. While China has tried to address its environmental problems, environmental improvement for certain plans may only be seen in the first few years of its implementation before the previous downward environmental trends resume. Based on the information presented in this article, I think that that one of the reasons these plans are not effective over long periods of time is because most of the action responsibility of environmental “solutions” are laid on rural farmers who do not see any incentive to implement these solutions.

Rural Chinese citizens believe it is their best interest to focus on industrial development instead of agricultural development. Liu Chuxin, Jiangxi Province’s Director of Agriculture, said, “it is now the universal view in all localities that they see slow returns from agricultural investment or no returns within a short time” (qtd. in Economy 2004: 82). As a result, while it may be better in the long run if rural citizens focused on agricultural in environmental terms, rural citizens do not think it is their best interest to focus on agriculture in terms of immediate return.

Finally, Rural citizens view environmental initiates as “backwards,” and since the initiatives are “backwards,” there is no social incentive for them to pursue these initiatives. For example, the head of Xishan said, “not even a single villager grows grain now. We’re not country bumpkins here” (qtd. in Economy 2004: 82). The villagers do not want to be seen as “country bumpkins.” They want to be modernized. Modernization is much more important to rural citizens than environmentalist issues. Knowing this, officials cater to this mentality. Zhang Weiqing, the head of the Naitonal Population and Family Planning Commission, said, “Given such a large population base, there would be major fluctuations in population growth if we abandoned the one-child rule now…It would cause serious problems and add extra pressure on social and economic development” (qtd. in Economy 2004: 79). In other words, Zhang Weiqing connects the problem of population to social and economic development, not environmental development.

Essentially, rural citizens have no incentive to act on environmental initiatives. This is problematic because a lot of the environmental initiatives turn towards rural citizens as primary agents. As a result, if the environmental initiatives that rely on rural citizens are to be succeed over a prolonged period of time as opposed to just a few years, rural citizens need to be given immediate and continuous incentive.

Economy, Elizabeth C. 2004. The River Runs Black: The Environmental Challenge to China’s Future. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Comedy and Atypical Language’s Corrective Dispositions and Powers

In “The Return of the Prodigal Daughter” (2009), Tianlian Zheng writes about, as the title implies, hostess’ return from the city to their rural hometowns and the identity complications they encounter as the transverse between locations. Interlaced into this chapter is a discussion of comedy’s corrective disposition. Here, Zheng downplays comedy’s corrective power and makes it secondary to atypical language’s corrective power. However, both of these corrective powers accomplish the same end; one corrective should not diminish the other because they work in tangent.

Zehng dismisses comedy’s corrective power for atypical language’s corrective power. Zheng writes, “You may recall the language used by Fragrance in her conversation with Jun. As foul as the langue was, it was as least used in the context of joking banter, but as often it was used as a weapon in serious arguments, and against people whom village culture required be respected” (2009: 158). Zheng goes on to write about Fragrance challenging the elderly through phrases such as “Fuck you mother” (2009: 159). In other words, Fragrance’s comic corrective challenge to Jun is not as serious as her foul language corrective challenge to the elderly because her corrective challenge to Jun was under a “joking” context; it was mere “banter.” However, comic challenges are just as potent as language challenges, and they often act as seamless corrective unit.

More specifically, the “joking banter” polices Jun’s actions successfully. Fragrance makes a fool of Jun when he attacks her profession by saying, “if you were a woman, you would sell yourself so much that you would not even be able to walk” (Zheng 1992: 155) and by supplementing her words by spreading her legs apart which made it hard for her to walk. In other words, Fragrance turns Jun into the joke and marginalizes his attack on her.

This same idea can be seen when Cheng tells the other hostess about the migrant who mimicked a western film when trying to get her to sleep with him. A hostess responded by making an obscene jester of her own and turned the migrant into the joke, turned him into an outsider (Zheng 1992: 153). Zheng writes, “the male migrants are seldom successful in making the transition to urban status and often merely become the laughingstock of the hostesses” (1992: 153 – 154). In other words, the migrants’ incapability to adjust, their rural rigidity locks them into the subject position of comic exertion. Their rigidity is unacceptable, and the hostesses challenge the rigidity by laughing at the migrants. Laughter becomes a corrective action.

Essentially, comedy’s corrective power is no less than atypical language’s corrective power as Zheng argues in “The Return of the Prodigal Daughter.” Comedy successfully polices even if comedy seems not be as direct as atypical language. In addition, comedy and atypical language often work together to police.

Zheng, Tiatian. 2009. “The Return of the Prodigal Daughter” in Red Lights: The Lives of Sex Workers in Postsocialist China. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Chicago’s Challenge to Henry’s Universal Understanding of Foreigners

In “The Beggar’s Play: Poverty, Coercion, and Performance in Shenyang, China” (2009), Eric Henry investigates the Shenyang beggars “theatrical” interaction with foreigners, specifically a foreign English teacher named John, and urban Shenyang residents. More specifically, Henry looks at how experience shapes the script beggars take up and residents are forced to act out at the prodding of the beggars. Throughout the article, Henry revisits the disclaimer that the strategies that beggars invoke in Shenyang are effective for reasons pertaining specifically to Shenyang, that they are not universal. However, while he draws attention to the beggar’s side of the equation in regards to universalities, his article is written in such a way that it seems like the foreigners who interact with the beggars share a sort of universal understanding. However, based upon my observations in Chicago Illinois, I do not think his universal understanding and treatment of beggars is true.

Henry draws a distinction between the Chinese’s treatment of beggars and foreigners treatment of beggars. He writes, "Ignoring a beggar both recognizes and reinforces an ideology of difference, where Chinese can position themselves as distinctly and irreducibly Confucian in the face of the foreigner’s gaze—a counterpoint to the foreigner’s presumably universalist Kantian ethics" (2009: 15). In other words, Kantian ethics act as, in Brooks (1951) words, a “seamless garment” (23) that cause “all” foreigners to feel apathetic towards beggars. I placed the word all in quotation marks because the word “presumably” acts as a slight disclaimer to foreigners’ “universalist Kantian ethics.” However, the rest of the article progresses under the “universalist” farce. While this may have been done for simplicity of argument, I find it too neat and dangerous.

I primarily find Henry’s “universalist” claim troubling because Henry only draws on John’s experience with the beggar girl as his support for the claim and because the discussion surrounding John’s narrative to stand in contradiction of my own observations of Chicagoans callus treatment of beggars. More specifically, Chicagoans are not prone to help or give money to beggars. Growing up in Chicago, my friends and I were taught never to make eye contact with beggars and to ignore their presence even when they follow and talk to you. We were told that if you give money to beggars that they would just go and spend the money on drugs and alcohol rather than essentials such as food. We were also told that even if you gave money to a beggar once, it would not solve the beggar’s problem because the beggar develops reliance on the gifts and will not ever try to get a job. Walking down the streets of Chicago, I can tell that this message sunk into many Chicagoans mentality as they pull out cell phones and pretend to text or call someone in order to avoid eye contact and conversation with a beggar. As a such, I think it is rather hasty to say that all foreigners, Chicagoans are considered foreigners in this context, have apathy for beggars.

Brooks, Cleanth. 1951. The Formalist Critics. In Literary Theory: An Anthology, Second Edition. 22 – 27. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.

Henry, Eric. 2009. The Beggar’s Play: Poverty, Coercion, and Performance in Shenyang, China.

Food Traversing between Binary Oppositions

In “Death, Food, and Fertility (1988), Stuart E. Thompson argues that there is a semiotic significance to the rituals involving food and the types of food that are offered to the dead. More specifically, he argues that food is a medium where by people engage duality. Through the engagement of these dualities, people confirm and challenge existing categories.

One of the main binary oppositions that Thompson writes about is inclusion and exclusion as applied to the living and the dead. More specifically, when a family member dies, the family breaks that member’s rice bowl over a dog’s head to separate the deceased family member from the living; the deceased family member is excluded from the inclusive family meal time where the family members each eat from his or her own bowl (Thompson 1988: 75). Consequently, the physical breaking of the rice bowl reasserts the distinction between the living and the dead. Thompson quotes Girardo, “[food] has the power to unite or to separate” (1988:81). In other words, food exists between duel categories, and the enactment of food rituals, the symbolic meaning behind the food rituals determines which category is being engaged.

In addition to confirming some categories through food rituals, the traditional understanding of some categories is challenged when people act outside of traditional practices associated with food rituals. For example, the black and white, binary understanding of man and woman is contested when a man offers up a pig’s head and tail instead of a woman offering it up at the farewell banquet. The head in this ritual is sometimes call the “daughter’s head” because women are more likely to carry the ritual out, and the responsibility for this particular falls traditionally falls on women, and men even if they do carry out the ritual do not want to report that they carried it out (Thompson 1988: 96). In other words, even though men break categories by offering up the pig’s head and tail, they contend the categories existence. Consequently, the public face of this category remains rigid even though in practice the category’s outline has blurred.

Essentially, food rituals transverses between binary oppositions. Depending on the actual food ritual action, the ritual can either confirm preexisting categories or challenge the identity of the category. Category identify depends upon the actions associated with binary distinction.

Thompson, S. E. 1988. Death, Food, and Fertility. In Death Ritual in Late Imperial and modern China. J. L. Watson and E.S. Rawski, eds. Berkeley: University of California Press.

suicide girls and tattooing in today's society

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Clovis culture still much to be learned

I will discuss the Clovis cultural complex to the best of my abilities due to the lack of solid evidence to indicate how this culture functioned. The basic nature of this complex and some key terms, sites and artifacts that are crucial to this complex, and how this complex became so wide spread in such a short time. Also I will discuss some cultures that came about in direct relationship to the Clovis complex. I will also touch on the evidence of mammoth hunting found only in the Clovis Complex and the projectile points and spear points found that indicate such hunting.
The Clovis cultural complex appeared sometime around 11,500 years before present and has been though to go as far 13,000 years before present. The name was given to this complex due to a site that was found near Clovis New Mexico. This culture is thought to be the oldest culture to inhabit North America. These people, thought to be indigenous people of other lands, came over the Barring Strait from Siberia to Alaska. This has been argued though due to the fact that some of the points found in the south (near or in New Mexico) are dated older than the points found in the north like in the Buttermilk creek site in Texas. This cultural complex is one we know the littlest about so there is room for speculation.
Some of the most information we have been able to determine about this culture is through the points that have been found. The points are very distinct stone spear points, generally fluted on both sides and bifacial. These points are thought to have been used to kill mammoths, thought that is open to interpretation. The reason that some archeologists think that these points were used in this fashion is because many Clovis points were found at sites that contain mammoth bones. Also Clovis points are some of the largest point to be found on this continent and due to the size of mammoths this makes sense.
There is a lot of room for speculation of why this culture spread so quickly, one of the theories is that they had very successful hunting strategies. Another theory is that this culture may not have migrated from only one point into this continent thought this is yet to be proven. However you look at this culture their migratory strategies were vast and worked well seeing that they colonized north and south within one thousand years. This culture gave way too many cultures that followed such as Folsom and Plainview-Goshen.
With so little to go on, in terms of artifacts and definite migratory patterns, it is hard to state one hundred percent fact about this intriguing culture. One thing is for certain though; this culture has a lot to offer the archeological record and is one that will be studied for many years to come. From hunting strategies and the weapons use to the cultures that followed in the footsteps of the Clovis people there is much to be learned.
picture website
http://www.google.com/search?hl=en&gbv=2&biw=1277&bih=521&tbm=isch&sa=1&q=clovis+culture&aq=f&aqi=g1&aql=&oq=

Native American Mascots and the Racism included

The Golden State Warriors are a professional basketball team out of Oakland California. They are part of the Pacific Division of the Western Conference in the National Basketball Association (NBA). The team was first established in 1946, as the Philadelphia Warriors, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. In 1962, the franchise was relocated to San Francisco, California and became known as the San Francisco Warriors until 1971, when its name was changed to the current Golden State Warriors.
The Warriors used to use the Indian mascot shown at the top of the page. Though they changed their mascot to a blue man instead of the cartoon Native person, the name still remains the same. The Oakland based Golden State Warriors have drifted away from any references to its Native American past and it’s currently the only professional team to do so. I couldn’t find the exact group of people who were opposed to the mascot though I bet it was a big one. Some teams are taking the time and money to be more respectful to certain cultures.
I think that the changing of the mascot is a great thing for the team to do. Using cultures as a caricature to promote sports is insulting. If we are going to use cultures why don’t we just say the Cleveland Darkies, the Boston Niggers, or the Denver Chinks? If you’re going to use one culture in such a demeaning way why can’t you just use any and all? African Americans, Latino Americans, and Asian Americans need to help our Native American brothers and sisters in this battle for respect and honor. Equal respect for everyone.

Sustenance strategies for the Hopi, Navajo, and Iroquois.

Food is a means of survival for everyone. Because the Navajo and Hopi were in the same region they had similar means of food, as compared to the Iroquois who had a very different climate.
The Hopi lived in a desolate part of the country were rainfall was usually was less than 10 inches per year. Irrigation systems like floodwater farming were used. Men planted and cultivated crops. The men technically owned the crops, but because the women owned the land its self, when the men gave the harvested goods to his wife to be prepared they became her property. Originally the plants cultivated in the area were kidney beans, tepary beans, maize, cotton, and squash. Other plants were introduced by the Spanish like chili peppers, onions, peaches, watermelons, and wheat. The Hopi also looked tobacco plant. Because farming took almost all the time and game was scarce there was almost no meat in their diet. The farming year began usually in February but it was the sun watcher who determined the time to sow.

The Navajo were in the same region of the country as the Hopi, so they traded regularly. Much like the Hopi’s meals, a lot were without meat, the sheep were a good source of food for them but the herds were sacred and almost like part of the family. The Navajo people’s main source of food was sheep, though as opposed to the Hopi the women did the planting and cultivating. For the most part the Navajo would raise little crops like maize, but mostly they traded the Hopi wool for things like beans and squash.

Sustenance strategies of the Netsilik

Dwellings
The Netsilik people used dome shaped igloo structures made from snow and ice, and wind break made from the same material, (rarely did they use summer tents made from sealskin). Because of the year long winter, minus twenty frost free days, the Netsilik had just the one type of dwelling, the winter house. Igloos are dome-shaped, made from blocks of packed snow. A large igloo can be constructed by a skilled person in less than an hour and can be up to 15 ft. in diameter. The blocks to make the igloo were cut out of a circle drawn to outline the size of the building, these blocks were roughly 20 inches long, 25 inches wide, and 4 inches thick, the blocks held together by loose snow filling the cracks. A tunnel left open for an entry and ice form a river used for a window of sorts.
Clothing
The Netsilik wore tailor made clothes; caribou fur was the primary material. Men wore two parkas, one on the inside (the caribou fur faced inward), and one on the outside used for hunting, fishing, and traveling (the fur faced outwards). On these parkas decorative panels of light fur adorned the shoulders. Two pairs of trousers were also used from hips to knees with an opening for elimination. These were met by two pairs of boots; the outer boot was sealskin because of its water proofing. Women wore clothes that were much the same, slightly bulkier with only one set of trousers; boots attached and held on by a belt. The woman’s parka had a roomy compartment for infants placed at the back.
Tools
The Netsilik because of the sacristy of wood used antler for the handles of weapons, things such as adzes, this tool is something like an ax but set at a right angle to the handle. They used antler for handles because it was easily shapeable, stone and bone were used for blades, use of weirs for fishing, they also made use of other traps. They had a very interesting array of weapons, mostly spears. They used bows and arrows for land animals, but harpoons were their main weapon. Harpoons are long shafts with barbed tips attached to sinew cord. They used smaller ones for seals and bigger ones waited with ivory for whales.
Transportation (with means to sustenance)
Netsilik move by means of dog sled, these sleds were made from frozen fish, what little wood they could find antler, and sealskin. The runners would be covered by water to make the sled slide freely over the snow, pulled by dogs. These people also had canoes for fishing Harpoons as stated earlier are long shafts with barbed ends attached to string. With smaller harpoons the men would hunt seals; they did this by waiting at the small hole in the ice seals used to breath from every fifteen minutes. This process could take hours upon hours, and was very physically demanding, starving was always a threat. Bigger harpoons were used for animals like sea lions and whales, the men would go out in large canoe teams to do this. On rare occasion the men would find polar bear tracks, to kill this animal they would first let the dogs loose then using everything they had attempt to take down this massive animal. Early in the year if possible the men would hunt caribou that were migrating using bow and arrows and harpoons.

picture website

http://www.google.com/search?hl=en&gbv=2&tbm=isch&sa=X&ei=iSjoTa-uFMrL0QHs8siwAQ&ved=0CDgQBSgA&q=netsilik+clothing&spell=1&biw=1277&bih=521

Northwest Plains Projectile point Chronology

Time line
 Historic/Protohistoric- 500 to 150 BP
 Late Prehistoric- 650to 1,900 BP
 Late Archaic- 1,900 to 4,100 BP
 Early Archaic- 4,100 to 8,100 (roughly)
 Paleo-Indian - 8,100 to 12,000

Projectile point Chronology
• Protohistoric/historic- from a few fifties of years up to present, a few Tri-notched and Plains Side Notched.
• Late prehistoric 250 BP to 1,900 BP- Triangular, Prairie Side Notched, Avonlea, Tri-notched and Plains Side Notched.
• Archaic/ Middle Prehistoric 1,900BP to 7,500- Bitterroot, Pelican Lake, Oxbow, Hanna, Duncan, McKean, and Besant (also found a little in Late Prehistoric).
• Paleo-Indian/ Early Prehistoric- Hell Gap, Scotts Bluff, Eden, Agate Basin, and Clovis (attached to Folsom and Goshen discussed below).
The Folsom complex follows the Clovis period they both overlap with Goshen (dating indefinite). Folsom projectile points, radiocarbon dating states they were in the area from roughly 10,900 to 10,200 BP.
Midland level following Folsom dated between 10,700 and 10,400 BP. Projectile point similar to Folsom except for lack of fluting.
The Hell Gap Cultural complex had radiocarbon dating from 10,300 to 9,500 BP.
Early plains Archaic started (best found points for radiocarbon dating in Mummy cave) 8,500 BP ended (Mummy cave) 5,250 BP.

Picture website

http://www.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://www.nps.gov/seac/outline/02-paleoindian/point_types.gif&imgrefurl=http://www.nps.gov/seac/outline/02-paleoindian/index.htm&h=833&w=600&sz=52&tbnid=X-DUs0py1L8UnM:&tbnh=92&tbnw=66&prev=/search%3Fq%3Dprojectile%2Bpoint%2Bpictures%26tbm%3Disch%26tbo%3Du&zoom=1&q=projectile+point+pictures&usg=__GUPCOzZcwF8vwAHKkBLL1Mxcb8A=&sa=X&ei=ayboTavjD8fw0gHf3aDBAQ&ved=0CB8Q9QEwAQ&dur=2184

Sky Burials

The Discovery Channel created a beautiful six part series named "Human Planet".  The series follows people from all over the world in extremely diverse environments.  One episode titled "Mountains" follows a group of Tibetans who have just lost their father and shows what happens when there is no firewood for cremations.

 A majority of Tibetans are Buddhist.  This religion teaches rebirth and there is no need to preserve the body.  Buddhist in lower elevations often burn the bodies of the dead, but since there is no firewood high up in the Tibetan mountains, these people practice something known as sky burials to dispose of the dead.  In the episode I watched, the body of the dead man was wrapped up in a colorful cloth.  His body was carried up the mountain and his family was allowed time to say their goodbyes then leaves.   The man who preforms the sky burial is not a Buddhist and mentions before he does the "burial" that he has done many in his life but he still needs some whiskey to preform it.  The sky burial begins by unwrapping the body. Then the man proceeds to cut the body into many parts.  The remains are left on the mountaintop and left to the elements.  In the episode, vultures are on the scene immediately and eat the remains of the man.  Seeing this was slightly horrifying, but this funerary practices makes sense for these people.  It allows them to get rid of the body so that it does not spread disease.  And following Buddhist tradition, the body is an empty vessel after death, and this practice allows the remains to be given back to nature.

Inuit Gather Mussels Under Sea Ice

Discovery Channel's "Human Planet" series showed an incredible act preformed by Canada's Inuit people in an episode titled "Arctic".  The people of Kangiqsujuaq, near the Hudson Strait, go to incredible lengths to add variety to their diet of seal meat, seal meat and more seal meat.  This group of people are able to collect mussels from under the sea ice during extreme low tides which happen only twice a year, during the Spring and Fall equinox.  During this time, the sea ice drops by 40 feet which opens fissures in the ice and exposes the seabed.  Then, with nothing more than a bucket and a lantern, a group crawls down below the ice and collects as many mussels as they possibly can before the escape hole closes and the sea returns.  "We all know stories of mussel hunters who didn't make it out in time. If you can't get out, you die," Mary Qumaaluk told the Human Planet team. 

This tradition goes back generations, but the Kangiqujuaq people say it is getting harder and harder to find places safe enough to go beneath the ice, which freezes later and melts earlier than it did even a few decades ago.

Psychological Anthropology

Psychological Anthropology is based primarily on the nature vs. nurture debate. Psychological Anthropologists attempt to attribute behavior not only to biological causes, or personality, but also as a result of the influence of social environment and a person's culture. I found this field tremendously interesting, as I am a declared Psych major (subject to change.)

This means that even though members of this field may study the same problems as traditional psychologists, they do so from many different angles, and can indeed form perspectives and conclusions that maybe a traditional practicioner would miss.

Both of these are noble professions, designed to help with the human condition and better existance for patients (or research subjects). They just take different approaches. Psychological Anthropologists take a wholistic point of view, attributing cause not only to traditional psychological reasoning, but also to many other aspects. I think that the mental health community as a whole could benefit greatly from more people in this field.

Anthropology and Nursing

Closely related to Medical Anthropology, anthropology in nursing concentrates mainly on the understanding and respect that must be given while providing health care for people of other cultures. Cross cultural differences in medicine, traditional and non traditional, are wide and vast from on society to the next. Many nurses with backgrounds or some formal training in anthropology believe that ethnocentricity has no place in their field. One must be as neutral and unbiased as possible, in order to give the best care possible.

Ideology and cultural diversity must be taken into account in this field. Culturally sensitive healthcare is a relatively new idea, butmost involved see the benefits of taking such a stance. Many members of a different culture will not seek westernized health care specifically for the reason of lack of understanding or respect for an "unpopular belief." This leads to untreated conditions, and a lower quality of life for many immigrants and foreigners, not only here in the United States, but in many other more developed countries. Nurses, who generally have the most personal interaction with patients, are experiencing this and taking steps to institute measures that will provide a universal approach, teach understanding, and ultimately, revamp the status quo of health care cross culturally.

Two Spirit

The berdache is the two spirit native american. Some reffered to them as a male prostitute. Its odd that cultures had this so many years ago. I think that is just proof it is something biological that makes people have the opposite sex type of traits. This can be seen in many aspects of the world.
These people were accepted by some, and rejected by others. This can happen due to many different things. How we were raised. How we were brought up religiously can play a part in it as well. Though they were different, they were also healers and gave a lot back to the tribe. I think it should be noted that discrimination can push us away from many good aspects in life. I'm sure they fought their way for respect in the tribe.

Limitations to the Comparitive Method

The Comparitive Method is similar in many ways to Ethnocentricty. It is a school of thought that subscribes to the belief that comparison between cultures and societies fosters more pure knowledge, and a further basis of understanding communites and cultures in light of one particular frame of reference.

This seems to me to be a biased approach, and perhaps even an easy way out for practicioners of this belief. While it may have it's advantages, such as providing a basis for understanding for the layperson, as well as easily communicated conclusions and observations, there are several limitations and shortcomings to this type of approach. Some that I found in my research are listed as follows:

It is impossible to account for similarities in various cultures due simply to the similarites of the physiology of the human mind.

Similar traits may have developed for very different purposes or reasons.

The view that cultural differences are of minor importance is baseless.

Limits contextual understanding of a culture.

Many researchers and anthropologists alike subscribe to the point of view that an unbiased, ehtnogrpahic and unobtrusive methodology is best to truly understand a culture. And I agree.

Berdache

The Berdache, or two-spirit, is a term used by Native Americans to refer to many mixed gender roles that are present in their culture. Although the origin of the word is up to some debate, some say it is derived from the French Bardache, which references a male prostitute or catamite. Others say the word itself is middle eastern in decent, referring to a captured one, or a slave.

Frequently, in native culture, these individuals did not experience the same prejudice and discrimination that their contemporary American counterparts have. On the contrary, they were often embraced and treasured, thought to have special powers and insights, and included in the native community.

They occupied positions as healers or medicine persons, they were conveyors of oral traditons and songs, they were integral parts of the ceremonial sundance, they foretold the future and bestowed names upon children, they made pottery, and were nurses in times of battle.

Some, even among this culture, saw these individuals as social failures. But the majority embraced them for who they were, and saw them as an asset to the tribe.

Goodness, Gracious, Gobs of Goats.

The Milawi goat project, though not widely supported, has proven to be a resounding success. Milwai is one of the world's poorest countries, with epidimic levels of malnutrition in both children and adults. AIDS has taken it's toll in Milawai, with estimates that 14-30% of the population is infected. One aspect of this travesty is what is reffered to as "AIDS orphans." These are the children left orphaned after their parents die from this horrible disease. In an area where finances are already almost non existant, this adds to the burden of their care takers.

So in late 2009, several anthropologists, including Dr. Anne Drew, instituted the goat project. They provided to the native women goats, who could thrive in such a sparse environment, and also provided not only a food source, but a source of milk, a valued and rare commodity in those parts.

The women raised and bred the goats, and used the fruits of their labor to better their living conditions, to provide much need nutrition for their families, and to stave off malnourishment.

It is good to see this type of beneficial interaction in a field such as this. We usually reserve thoughts of altruism for fields such as social work and missionaries, but in this case, the anthropologists came through.

Irving King Jordan

Irving King Jordan was the first deaf president of Gallaudet University, the world's only university geared completely to facilitate the learning of the deaf and hard of hearing. It was 1988 when the students and staff gathered together to protest the election of a hearing president. It seemed obvious to those involved that their, representative, their policy maker, their president, should be a hearing imparied individual.

He could better understand their wants and needs, their struggles, their very communication. So they protested. This protest, called Deaf President Now, lasted a week and was monumental for deaf people and hearing impaired worldwide. At it's conclusion, the school's board named Jordan the president of Gallaudet, the first hearing impaired ever.

Jordan remained president until 2006, when he stepped down into retirement. His influence and respect among his peers was greatly diminished when he recommended and supported Jane Fernandes as his successor. A champion of the deaf community, he lost standing and respect for this action, because many considered Fernandes to be "not deaf enough."

Oralism

Oralism came into play in America in the late 1860's, and is reffered to by some as the dark ages for the hearing impaired. It incorporated the use of lip reading, speech, and mastered breathing techniques to attempt to facilitate the communication of deaf people. To this day, it is still a controversial topic, and the argument as to how to best educate the hearing imparied rages on.

Oralism did not allow hand movements or gestures, and looked down upon signing, even though this was by far the most effective way for the deaf to communicate. Manualism, another available method for teaching the deaf to communicate, proved to be more effective, and cited reasons for the ineffectuality of oralism including the limiting nature of the communication itself, the frustration and anger experienced by the pupils, and the unnatural way in which it was tought and recieved.

Oralism eventually failed. The education of young deaf students was spent completely and totally on speech. No math, no science, no literature or other subjects of study were even available. Students would often say, in frustration, "Talking just isn't that important to me."

Matrilineal/ Patrilieneal

As we studied the differences between matrilineal and patrilineal I noticed that my family has traits of both. We generally spend holidays with my moms side, but we have many other members on my dads side that we keep close contact with. We have a lot of family reunions, and a lot of different family gatherings. Matrilineal I think is more common in most families. Mothers have a lot of say in families. Especially when it comes to finances. Generally, they have the control of budget, and say in how the home account is spent. Of course that is not in all families, there are some where it is more patrilineal and the income is generally revenued from the father figure. I think that happens in many traditional families.
Income can be contoled from either side, but a lot of family functions are blended together. Many of us are close to both sides of grandparent, aunts, uncles, and cousins. I think this depends on the relationship that our parents have with their families. Rather then how it is with some countries, we are more dependent on relationships in America. I think America is rather un traditional in their thinking. We are rather dependent on opinion then anything else. Some countries are so opressed that they have no choice on who they spend their time with. In a matrilineal situation they are required to live with the mothers side of the family. I think this would be extremely diffucult if they didn't get along with the mothers side. I feel like when socities put such a strict standard on their citizens they cannot make choices for themselves. Tradition is important, its the backbone of many peoples morals and thoughts. It can be both good and detrimental in the same kind of light.

Cargo Cults, Unbelievable but True

Cargo Cults developed mainly in New Guinea and Melanisian areas, and generally occured only after some type of interaction with outside influence, namely war. This phenomenon can be described breifly as follows: These populations, generally pre-industrial tribes, become exposed to outside and more developed nations. This usually happens with an influx of material things, and especially during war time.
They see great ships, and airplains, and all the technological advancement that war brings. These are items and ideas that they have been unexposed to, and they believe that their Gods have meant these items and material wealth for them. They grow to covet these items, and then, when the conflict ends and the influx of new materials stops, they practice magic and rituals in an attempt to restore the flow of goods. These include making crude imitation landing strips to appease the gods, radio and communication equipment are replicated, and the behavior of the military men once present is immitated. All in an attempt to regain the "prosperity" brought to them by war.
After a time of conflict ends, most of these cargo cults die out, eventually. But one is left to wonder, how did they see things this way, and why would the material realm have such an influence on the metaphysical? Studies have shown that nearly all cultures and divisions of humanity have relatively similar IQs. These were not stupid people, but they chose to believe in an idea that seems absurd to most of us today.

Polygamy

I was starting to realize today, how society would interpert a polygamous family as I watcheTLC. Sister Wives is a new series about a polygamos family and how they function. Not only was it just a marriage, it was also a family. In todays society we think of family kinship being one mother and one father. To them, that is their norm. I think its so interesting how everyones take on family can differ. They are a fully functioning family. They have dinner together, go on trips together, and spend holidays together. The kids seem completely used to the lifestyle, and the wives seem to be happy. Its interesting how when we grow up we form opinions on how a family should be. As we grow up, we are told what the normal is, and we figure that to be the way it is. I think this is a form of mental containment. They are a fully functioning family and even though, they may not be an "average" american family, they still have love in their home.
I think thats what is most important. Whether we care or not as a family. Whether or not we have love in our home. I am happy that they are happy, and I think the kinship pattern differences are important but can be dully noted. Life is about being happy, and love in a home.

Sunni vs. Shiite

I've often wondered about the differences between Sunnis and Shiites, and why the conflict and confrontations occur between the two. After researching the issue, several truths became apparent. Sunnis and Shiites both follow the teachings of the prophet Muhammed, and are practitioners of Islam.
The main argument between the two sects seems to be the murder of Ali after the death of the prophet Muhammed, and the dispossession of the Caliphate from those who are believed to be the rightful heirs. Despite their differences, the two sects have lived together in peace for the majority of 13 centuries.
There are differences, but what religion doesn't have them? Catholics and Protestants have been fighting since before history, most notably in "The Troubles" of Ireland. Many Schisms have occured over the course of time: The Protestant Revolution, being one of them. But perhaps no other sect, or sects have been subject to outside influence like the Sunnis and Shiites. It is a volotile situation, and one that has been taken advantage of by political adversaries. Divide and conquer. Take a look at present day Iraq, Iran, and Pakistan. All of these countries are populated with Muslims, and all have experienced or are experiencing foreign prescence and occupation. A nation divided against itself will fall, which is a lesson the United States has learned, and taken advantage of.
Reconciliation , or at least peaceful coexistance of these two sects of Islam could be possible, if outside forces and influences didn't seek to drive them apart.

Minangkabau

The Minangs are the world's largest matrilineal society, in which properties and belongings are inherited through the female, or mother's lineage. The males of this society traditionally leave home as early as the age of 7, to learn religious and cultural teachings. When they are teenagers, they often leave their hometowns so that they can experience the world, learn trades and abilities, and then return home to be "useful" members of society.
This is quite different then a lot of cultures we see today. India, for instance, cherishes and values their male offspring so much more than female, that frequently female offspring are either aborted or abandoned. Patrilineal societies make up the majority of the world's population, so one is left to wonder how the Minangs differ, how this cultural phenomenon occured, and what are the differences and similarities between these Indonesian people and their customs, and the rest of the world.
The men still handle religious and political affairs, and the Minangs are mainly Muslims, but aslo have traces anamtism that even the most devout adhere to and believe in. Rich in culture, these people value education and knowledge highly. Many Minangs occupy the majority of the educated positions in Sumatra, as well as holding high political offices as ministers and advisors.

American Anthropological Association

The American Anthropological Association is the largest orginazation of Anthropologists today. It was founded in 1902 and was formed, according to it's mission statement, "to promote the science of anthropology, to stimulate and coordinate the efforts of American Anthropologists, etc."
From an initial membership of only 175 souls, it now boasts over 10,000 card carrying members. The AAA has remained the central society for the discipline of Anthropology, and interacts with state and federal governments, private institutions, individuals interested in the discipline, and the public as a whole.
As with most professional societies, the collective power of the AAA is astounding. Combining resources and knowledge, and working cooperatively to better address the needs and desires of it's membership, it serves a purpose and meets a need that no individual researcher ever could.

As with many true anthropologists, the society embraces the application of their combined studies and knowledge to the solution of human problems, both present and future. The collective power, influence, and resources of this organization help to enable anthropologists of all types to communicate with their peers, discuss potential research and projects, and join together in a spirit of academia quite unparallelled.

Modern Egyptians

In Modern Egypt, the political system was controlled by the upper class of the wealthy and most powerful rulers. This upper hand class relied on the Egyptian social system to regulate the labor force, administer resources, and the taxation of products. Those who were part of the lower class consisted of Egyptian workers and peasants who struggled to survive this diverse system. The only way in which one could move upward in the social system was to achieve a particular skill, achieve in literacy, or becoming part of the military career. For example, a peasant could teach their sons to learn trade apprenticed by priests or by artisans. Those boys who learned skills such as reading, writing, and mathematics could become scribes or work for the government. Another way to progress their social status would be to study an occupation such as obtaining knowledge of architecture, medicine and engineering. Leadership and adjudication played a significant role in the Egyptian society and government.

Today, the sociopolitical organization of modern Egypt can be identified as a republic leadership with 26 territorial governorates. The most powerful person that controlled and represented the state was the president. A multicandidate would elect the president by popular vote. Egypt had a tripartite government constitution that consisted the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. Leadership and adjudication are practiced together and interconnected. Modern Egypt’s legal structure was developed and based on the Islamic law, English common law, and Napoleonic law codes. This legal structure is still enforced and practiced to this day.

http://www.all-about-egypt.com/social-structures-of-ancient-egypt.html

Can you be an anthropologist?

Anthropologists examine, analyze, report on, and compare different cultures and how they grow, develop, and interact. How people live offers insights into modern life and how significantly, or how little we have changed and how similar we are in our basic systems of interaction. Anthropologists can travel to exotic lands and spend time in primitive conditions or work in developed countries.
Cultural anthropologists may compare the culture of the medical world to that of the financial world, or the culture of professional athletes to that of legal professionals. Some anthropologists take a cross-disciplinary approach to the field, studying linguistics, chemistry, nutrition, or behavioral science, and apply the methodologies of those disciplines to their study of culture.
Qualities that encourage success in this field include a nonjudgmental, inquisitive mind, patience, and the ability to make conclusions from incomplete information.
Anthropology is associated with archaeology, writing, sociology, history, and even geology. Many former anthropologists choose to specialize in one of these other scientific fields. Linguistics and ethnology are major fields of choice for the anthropologist who finds physical anthropology less exciting.

Medical Anthropology

Medical Anthropology is one of the most highly developed disciplines in Anthropology. A subfield of both social and cultural anthropology, it examines ways in which culture or society is centered around, influenced, or organized by issues of health, healthcare, or medicine. Anyone that has been to a hospital could easily observe the difference in societal interactions from everyday life. There is a definite established hierarchy, from administrators and physicians, to nurses and assistants. But aside from modern day medicine, historically, healers have held certain status and respect among various populations. Observing these present and past interactions, anthropologists in this discipline focus on several major areas.

First, the development of systems of medical knowledge and medical care. Secondly, the doctor and patient relationship. Thirdly, the integration of alternative medical systems into culturally diverse areas. Fourth, the interaction of social, biological, and environmental factors which influence health and illness in individuals and in communities as a whole. And finally, the impact of biomedicine and biomedical technologies in non western civilizations.

Medical anthropology is concentrated on mainly by western (namely American) researchers and methodologists. Though studies have been made by our foriegn counterparts, the majority of this type of study is conducted right here in the U.S.

Koneki

Koneki is the Japanese version of menopause, but has slightly different symptoms. Koneki is a more holistic approach to the female aging process, and can be tied loosely to how different cultures, especially females, view medicinal treatments, and the process of aging. There are huge differences between the American treatment of menopause, and the Japanese, once again demonstrating both cultural and gender differences in the East and West.
Hormone based medicine is a chief concern for Japanese women, which is another significant difference. They fear the side effects, namely cancer, and thus chose to participate in Koneki as a more natural approach.

Needle Exchange

Exchanging needles and needle exchange clinics have been a controversial issue since their inception. The basic premis is this: an IV drug user may exchange old or dirty needles for new ones, thus limiting the chance of spreading HIV and various other blood borne pathogens. It has been documented that many IV users "share works" or use already used needles and share them with fellow drug users.
Needle exchange has been implemented in several major metropolatin areas and has shown a drastic impact on the transmission of HIV.
Still, naysayers rant that programs like these advocate drug use, and even go so far as to take the position that if you're a needle junkie, you deserve what you get. Despite these protests, legislation is now in place to provide federal funding for such clinics.

Revitalize!!!

Revitalization movements can be defined as an organized attempt by a culture to create a more satisfying culture, often molded after preexisting modes of living. Nativistic, Revitalistic, Utopian, messianic, and millenariun are all forms of revitalization movements. Anthropologist Anthony Wallace is given credit for coining the term.
Generally, these movements are a cultures response to excessive stress or poor living conditions. They can also be political or religious in nature, or the result of a less than good standard of living or opression. The Ghost Dance of the Native Americans can be seen as a revitalization movement, in an attempt by the Native Americans to restore their old ways, free themselves from the white man's opression, and regain the prosperity of old. Christianity, too was a revitalization movement.

Stimulus Diffusion

Stimulus Diffusion can be loosely defined as the spread of a better idea from culture to culture. Though closely related to expansion diffusion, stimulus diffusion can be seen, in laymen's terms as this : Something is a better idea or concept than an existing one (usually from another culture or society) and even though it's not quite perfect, it supercedes that status quo in terms of usefullness, practicality, or simplicity, and thus is adopted by a culture, and diffuses through.
A very basic example of this is the process of agriculture. It has been sumrised that agriculture originated somewhere in the Middle East, and then spread to all of Eurasia, and then to all of the world.
It could be said then, hypothetically, that as long as cultures continue to interact, and exchange ideas, the best, most useful way of doing things will eventually transfer, and reduce some of the cultural differences that we see today.

Here, You Can Have this "Reservation," We'll Just Take the Rest.

The land rights of indigenous people worldwide have been abused, exploited, and downright stolen. Generally speaking, the native peoples of a land have vaguely established boundaries, share common ownership or usage of land and resources, and are otherwise unestablished. Although legal safeguards in recent years have established protection for indigenous people and their land, this regulation is most likely too little too late. All over the globe, native and historically peaceful people have been abused and taken advantage of by more established, devloped, or more numerous cultures. In the rich history of the United States, this can be seen with the treatment of the Native Americans. The people who lived here before we got here. Our government, in the name of progress, stole their land and placed them in certain areas, restricting their movement and indigenous rights. Then we renegged on those contracts and took even more land. When they protested, they were slaughtered and left dead in the prarie. The United States is not the only country guilty of these attrocities. Australia, Africa, and Southeast Asia have all seen their fair share of violating the land rights of indegenous peoples.

sister wives

There is a show on TLC called Sister Wives. This show illustrates the life of a polygamist family. The man, Kody is married to four wives and between the four wives has sixteen children. I watched a few episodes of this and found it very interesting. The idea of polygamy seems so foreign to me. When learning about this I could only make connections to distant cultures but this show proved that it is happening right under my nose.

When thinking about these ways, it is often thought in a negative way. Often people imagine this as a greedy man but this show shed it in a positive light. It showed the connection he shared with all the wives and children. In no way would I consider as a lifestyle choice for myself but it did put a new perspective in my head.

Law of Similarity

Some great examples of law of similarity are famous superstitions in baseball. The law of similarity states magical that similar things have a certain connection and acts done to one will have effect on it likeness. A great example is the curse of the Bambino, aka Babe Ruth. Back in the day the Boston Red Sox traded Babe Ruth to the New York Yankees. If you follow baseball you know that the Red Sox and the Yankees don’t see eye to eye. The Red Sox were given this curse and this was thought of as reason why the Red Sox hadn’t won a World Series in 86 years. But in 2004, 86 years after the trade, the Sox finally won the World Series and broke the curse.

Men are from Mars, Women are from Venus

According to Matlz and Borker, striking differences can be seen between the language and communication styles of male and female, particularly at a younger age. Although this topic could be expounded on for pages and pages (as seen in current pop-literature), I will focus mainly on the purposes of language in boys and girls, according to Maltz and Borker. They would sumrise that boys use language in a more assertive and agressive fashion then girls. (This could be a culturally specific conclusion, as gender roles are most deffinitely learned and not inherent). They will often times attempt to speak when someone else is talking, interrupt, and draw attention to themselves. Girls, on the other hand, attempt to create and maintain relationships of closeness and equality, to criticize others in acceptable ways, and to interprut accurately the speech of other girls.
While this may seem basic and common sensical, much can be derived from these conclusions. Watch the interaction in any egalitarian society, such as we claim to be, and the differences in gender communication almost certainly line up with these claims.

Foot Binding...These Shoes are Too Tight!

For a thousand years in Japan, women had their feet bound to inhibit growth. Documented as early as the 10th century, and ending no later then 1911, this culturally specific exaggeration of a woman's body was practiced widely and seen as incredibly fashionable.
One theory behind the purpose for this wickedly cruel practice is that it would help to control independent women. They were so physically deformed, that any prolonged amount of travel by foot was excrutiating. Another theory, and this one slightly more accepted, says that Japanese men found the small foot extremely attractive. Parents would bind their daughters' feet in an attempt to gain favor with a wealthy suitor, and thus, bring fortune and stability to their families. A third theory states that this could be seen as a status symbol for the family of the girl with the tiny feet. They were able to have a member of their family who was unable to work, to support her. They could afford to not utilize her in the workforce. This implied success for the family.

The way my family works

I would consider my family more on the matrilineal side than the patrilineal side. From watching how my family works, I would consider my mom the head of the house hold. When referring to using the family credit card, it is often referred to as my mom money. When it comes to making financial decisions it usually is up to my mom. My mom is the one who balances the books and keeps everyone in line. By no means does my mom walk all over my dad but this is what I have noticed. I think it comes from how they were raised. In my mom’s family she grew up being in charge of shopping and feeding four kids, while my dad had a typical childhood. It’s not in my family to be either, but I think it just ended up matrilineal.