The Culture of Science

In many ways, science has its own culture separate from other subjects of academia. This is especially true in the area of disagreements. Disagreements are abundant in areas history, anthropology, political science, law, and elsewhere. Science, however, is seen by everyone outside the profession to be constant and universally agreed upon. That could not be further from the truth.

In the 1920's through the 1940's Albert Einstein worked on an idea that was contrary to the popularly held ideas. Most scientist at the time agreed that there was some substance in the universe (an ether) that light traveled through. Light was seen as a wave and waves worked by disturbing a material and moving as the energy was transferred, much like a wave travels through water. Einstein saw a problem. There was no material in space. Space, by definition, was empty, so how did light travel?

His theory sounded absurd to almost everyone listening. He was ridiculed, and shunned but a few others saw what he did. They began teaching this to their students and researching the possibilities on their own. As time passed, more and more people began to agree. As those students became professors and the "Old Men" died off or became obsolete, the idea began to take hold in the scientific community. This is how science changes. Not by leaps and bounds to experimentation but by the slow influx of new ideas and the slow ousting of those to hold onto the old ways.

This has happened throughout history with people like Capernicus, Galileo, Newton, and many others. One modern example is evolution. No matter your religious stance, science sees things its own way, and it is often a "my way or the highway" approach. The modern theory of evolution, an extrapolation of the general theory first proposed by Charles Darwin, is thought by many scientists to be lacking. Their most powerful argument is that the statistics make it impossible. There is a point in statistical mathematics where something is so statistically improbable that in the real universe it is believed to be impossible. Like when I asked Tiffany out in high school and she said I had a "snowball's chance." Mathematically speaking, there must be some small chance that a snowball could survive given the right conditions but we all know, I was not going to be taking her out on a date, ever.

There are many scientists that believe in the current theory of evolution with and almost religious fervor but many of the younger generation can see that the evidence to the contrary is impressive. It is possible, if function follows form, that as the younger scientists gain more acclaim and move into more powerful positions, this idea could eventually be ousted for a more conservative one. If it does, they will be following the format that science has used since the beginning of the scientific method (scientific method, bah!).

The Value of Shock

It was an emotionally dark and stormy night in Stillwater, Oklahoma. I was in a parking lot that served the largest student union building ever built. I sat on the bed of James' 87 Ford pick-up, the love of his life, while quickly drinking the last of a six-pack of Corona Extra. As I finished I took a breath, waiting for the burning in the back of my throat to dissipate. After a few seconds I sat the last bottle back into its cardboard carrier and said, "James, say something funny." Without missing a beat he looked up at me from his standing position on the ground, put on his best Sam Elliot impression and said,

"I like my women like I like my scotch, twelve years old and mixed up with coke."

I broke out in tears and fits of laughter. I never expected him so say something so vulgar, yet perfectly hidden in prose. Inside of a joke originally meant to be charming he had placed the soul of a demon. This is shock value.

Shock permeates American culture. From comedy (http://youtu.be/xSHBvwnOARQ) to political maneuvers (http://youtu.be/s_4rw2trTtM) we can see it everywhere. "Shock value is the potential of and image, text, or other form of communication to provoke a reaction of disgust, shock, anger, fear, or similar negative emotion." (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shock_value 6-3-2011 23:15 MST) With these negative emotions come an enhanced response, either positive or negative, that presenter of the media was (hopefully) searching for in return.

This can be a highly effective tool in the right hands. In the above comedy-related video, the makers used shock value to exaggerate reality and enhance the viewers response to the video in a way that would be funny (read: absolutely hilarious!). In the above politically-related video one can see in the first few seconds that the makers were using emotion-filled words to try to demonize a political figure to reinforce their own political standing. On the other hand these videos could have a galvanizing effect on the viewer. For this reason shock value is rarely used in more serious and mainstream areas, such as mainstream news or true diplomacy.

Internet-Based Counterculture

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Language Acquisition

According to Kristin Denham and Anne Lobeck’s textbook, Linguistics for Everyone: An Introduction (2010), first language acquisition varies but that all children tend to go through five stages. The first stage, babbling tends to take place when the infant is five to nine months old. Children enter the one-word stage when they are nine to nineteen months old. They begin to be able to say two words when they are eighteen to twenty-four months old. Children usually enter the early multiword stage when they are twenty-four to thirty months old. Finally, children enter the fifth stage, the later multiword stage which takes place once they are thirty months old, and they stay in this stage for the remainder of their lives (Denhem and Lobeck 2010:35 – 40). However, despite western notions that children’s first language acquisition is universal, Don Kulick and Ochs and Schieffelin’s studies of children’s first language acquisition show that this is not the case.

According to Don Kulick’s book, Language Shift and Cultural Reproduction: Socialization, Self, and Syncretism in a Papua New Guinean Village, first language acquisition varies more so than Denham and Lobeck state. Kulick writes, “A large number of village children do not being constructing simple three-word sentences until they are nearly 3 years old” (Kulick 1992:101). The simple three-word sentences that Kulick talks about would fall under the Denham and Lobeck’s definition of the early multiword stage. However, Denham and Lobeck say that the early multiword stage ends when a child is thirty months old, and Kulick says that the children in the Papua New Guinean village do not enter the multiword stage until they are nearly three, nearly thirty-six months old. This is well past the age of Denham and Lobeck specify for the early multiword stage.

In addition, all caregivers do not have to interact with an infant in the same exact way, in a western way in order for the child to learn language as was preciously assumed. In their essay, “Language Acquisition and Socialization: Three Developmental Stories and their Implications” (1984), Elinor Ochs and Bambi B. Schieffelin compare and contrast the ways in which Anglo-American white middle-class, Kaluli, and Samoan caregivers interact with infants. Ochs and Scheffelin argue, “the biological predispositions constraining and shaping social behavior of infants and caregivers must be broader than thus far conceived in that the use of eye gaze, vocalization, and body alignment are orchestrated differently in the social groups we have observed” (Ochs and Schieffelin 1984:299). Unlike Anglo-American mothers, Kaluli mothers do not make eye contact with infants because they are scared of witchcraft, and Kalui and Samoan children participate in triadic and multiparty social interaction instead of just the didactic social interactions that Anglo-American children are expected to participate in in order to become socialized. In addition, a Kaluli mother does not respond to her child unless the child speaks correctly. Anglo-American mothers, on the other hand, respond to incorrect speech (Ochs and Schieffelin 1984:299 – 301). In other words, there are different practices of child rearing which lead to differences in first language acquisition.

Essentially, many aspects of language acquisition that are assumed to be universal are in fact highly culturally variable. Ochs and Schieffelin write, “What caregivers say and how they interact with young children are motivated in part by concerns and beliefs held by many members of the local community” (Ochs and Schieffelin 1984:302). In other words, the way in which caregivers interact with children is often determinant through culture.

Denham, Kristin and Lobeck, Anne. 2010 The Human Capacity for Language. Linguistics for Everyone: an Introduction. 29 – 63. Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning.

Kulick, Dan. 1992 Having Hed. In Language Shift and Culturla Reproduction: Socialization, Self and Syncretism in a Papua New Guinea Village. 92 – 117. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Ochs, Elinor and Schieffelin, Bambi. 1984 Language Acquisition and Socialization: Three

Developmental Stories and Their Implications. In R. A. Shweder and R. A. LeVine, eds. Culture Theory: Essays on Mind, Self and Emotion. 276 – 320. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Lack of Incentive, Lack of Action

In “The Environmental Challenge to China’s Future” (2004), Elizabeth C. Economy looks at how China’s environment has suffered greatly at the hands of modernization, urbanization, and population growth. While China has tried to address its environmental problems, environmental improvement for certain plans may only be seen in the first few years of its implementation before the previous downward environmental trends resume. Based on the information presented in this article, I think that that one of the reasons these plans are not effective over long periods of time is because most of the action responsibility of environmental “solutions” are laid on rural farmers who do not see any incentive to implement these solutions.

Rural Chinese citizens believe it is their best interest to focus on industrial development instead of agricultural development. Liu Chuxin, Jiangxi Province’s Director of Agriculture, said, “it is now the universal view in all localities that they see slow returns from agricultural investment or no returns within a short time” (qtd. in Economy 2004: 82). As a result, while it may be better in the long run if rural citizens focused on agricultural in environmental terms, rural citizens do not think it is their best interest to focus on agriculture in terms of immediate return.

Finally, Rural citizens view environmental initiates as “backwards,” and since the initiatives are “backwards,” there is no social incentive for them to pursue these initiatives. For example, the head of Xishan said, “not even a single villager grows grain now. We’re not country bumpkins here” (qtd. in Economy 2004: 82). The villagers do not want to be seen as “country bumpkins.” They want to be modernized. Modernization is much more important to rural citizens than environmentalist issues. Knowing this, officials cater to this mentality. Zhang Weiqing, the head of the Naitonal Population and Family Planning Commission, said, “Given such a large population base, there would be major fluctuations in population growth if we abandoned the one-child rule now…It would cause serious problems and add extra pressure on social and economic development” (qtd. in Economy 2004: 79). In other words, Zhang Weiqing connects the problem of population to social and economic development, not environmental development.

Essentially, rural citizens have no incentive to act on environmental initiatives. This is problematic because a lot of the environmental initiatives turn towards rural citizens as primary agents. As a result, if the environmental initiatives that rely on rural citizens are to be succeed over a prolonged period of time as opposed to just a few years, rural citizens need to be given immediate and continuous incentive.

Economy, Elizabeth C. 2004. The River Runs Black: The Environmental Challenge to China’s Future. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Comedy and Atypical Language’s Corrective Dispositions and Powers

In “The Return of the Prodigal Daughter” (2009), Tianlian Zheng writes about, as the title implies, hostess’ return from the city to their rural hometowns and the identity complications they encounter as the transverse between locations. Interlaced into this chapter is a discussion of comedy’s corrective disposition. Here, Zheng downplays comedy’s corrective power and makes it secondary to atypical language’s corrective power. However, both of these corrective powers accomplish the same end; one corrective should not diminish the other because they work in tangent.

Zehng dismisses comedy’s corrective power for atypical language’s corrective power. Zheng writes, “You may recall the language used by Fragrance in her conversation with Jun. As foul as the langue was, it was as least used in the context of joking banter, but as often it was used as a weapon in serious arguments, and against people whom village culture required be respected” (2009: 158). Zheng goes on to write about Fragrance challenging the elderly through phrases such as “Fuck you mother” (2009: 159). In other words, Fragrance’s comic corrective challenge to Jun is not as serious as her foul language corrective challenge to the elderly because her corrective challenge to Jun was under a “joking” context; it was mere “banter.” However, comic challenges are just as potent as language challenges, and they often act as seamless corrective unit.

More specifically, the “joking banter” polices Jun’s actions successfully. Fragrance makes a fool of Jun when he attacks her profession by saying, “if you were a woman, you would sell yourself so much that you would not even be able to walk” (Zheng 1992: 155) and by supplementing her words by spreading her legs apart which made it hard for her to walk. In other words, Fragrance turns Jun into the joke and marginalizes his attack on her.

This same idea can be seen when Cheng tells the other hostess about the migrant who mimicked a western film when trying to get her to sleep with him. A hostess responded by making an obscene jester of her own and turned the migrant into the joke, turned him into an outsider (Zheng 1992: 153). Zheng writes, “the male migrants are seldom successful in making the transition to urban status and often merely become the laughingstock of the hostesses” (1992: 153 – 154). In other words, the migrants’ incapability to adjust, their rural rigidity locks them into the subject position of comic exertion. Their rigidity is unacceptable, and the hostesses challenge the rigidity by laughing at the migrants. Laughter becomes a corrective action.

Essentially, comedy’s corrective power is no less than atypical language’s corrective power as Zheng argues in “The Return of the Prodigal Daughter.” Comedy successfully polices even if comedy seems not be as direct as atypical language. In addition, comedy and atypical language often work together to police.

Zheng, Tiatian. 2009. “The Return of the Prodigal Daughter” in Red Lights: The Lives of Sex Workers in Postsocialist China. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Chicago’s Challenge to Henry’s Universal Understanding of Foreigners

In “The Beggar’s Play: Poverty, Coercion, and Performance in Shenyang, China” (2009), Eric Henry investigates the Shenyang beggars “theatrical” interaction with foreigners, specifically a foreign English teacher named John, and urban Shenyang residents. More specifically, Henry looks at how experience shapes the script beggars take up and residents are forced to act out at the prodding of the beggars. Throughout the article, Henry revisits the disclaimer that the strategies that beggars invoke in Shenyang are effective for reasons pertaining specifically to Shenyang, that they are not universal. However, while he draws attention to the beggar’s side of the equation in regards to universalities, his article is written in such a way that it seems like the foreigners who interact with the beggars share a sort of universal understanding. However, based upon my observations in Chicago Illinois, I do not think his universal understanding and treatment of beggars is true.

Henry draws a distinction between the Chinese’s treatment of beggars and foreigners treatment of beggars. He writes, "Ignoring a beggar both recognizes and reinforces an ideology of difference, where Chinese can position themselves as distinctly and irreducibly Confucian in the face of the foreigner’s gaze—a counterpoint to the foreigner’s presumably universalist Kantian ethics" (2009: 15). In other words, Kantian ethics act as, in Brooks (1951) words, a “seamless garment” (23) that cause “all” foreigners to feel apathetic towards beggars. I placed the word all in quotation marks because the word “presumably” acts as a slight disclaimer to foreigners’ “universalist Kantian ethics.” However, the rest of the article progresses under the “universalist” farce. While this may have been done for simplicity of argument, I find it too neat and dangerous.

I primarily find Henry’s “universalist” claim troubling because Henry only draws on John’s experience with the beggar girl as his support for the claim and because the discussion surrounding John’s narrative to stand in contradiction of my own observations of Chicagoans callus treatment of beggars. More specifically, Chicagoans are not prone to help or give money to beggars. Growing up in Chicago, my friends and I were taught never to make eye contact with beggars and to ignore their presence even when they follow and talk to you. We were told that if you give money to beggars that they would just go and spend the money on drugs and alcohol rather than essentials such as food. We were also told that even if you gave money to a beggar once, it would not solve the beggar’s problem because the beggar develops reliance on the gifts and will not ever try to get a job. Walking down the streets of Chicago, I can tell that this message sunk into many Chicagoans mentality as they pull out cell phones and pretend to text or call someone in order to avoid eye contact and conversation with a beggar. As a such, I think it is rather hasty to say that all foreigners, Chicagoans are considered foreigners in this context, have apathy for beggars.

Brooks, Cleanth. 1951. The Formalist Critics. In Literary Theory: An Anthology, Second Edition. 22 – 27. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.

Henry, Eric. 2009. The Beggar’s Play: Poverty, Coercion, and Performance in Shenyang, China.

Food Traversing between Binary Oppositions

In “Death, Food, and Fertility (1988), Stuart E. Thompson argues that there is a semiotic significance to the rituals involving food and the types of food that are offered to the dead. More specifically, he argues that food is a medium where by people engage duality. Through the engagement of these dualities, people confirm and challenge existing categories.

One of the main binary oppositions that Thompson writes about is inclusion and exclusion as applied to the living and the dead. More specifically, when a family member dies, the family breaks that member’s rice bowl over a dog’s head to separate the deceased family member from the living; the deceased family member is excluded from the inclusive family meal time where the family members each eat from his or her own bowl (Thompson 1988: 75). Consequently, the physical breaking of the rice bowl reasserts the distinction between the living and the dead. Thompson quotes Girardo, “[food] has the power to unite or to separate” (1988:81). In other words, food exists between duel categories, and the enactment of food rituals, the symbolic meaning behind the food rituals determines which category is being engaged.

In addition to confirming some categories through food rituals, the traditional understanding of some categories is challenged when people act outside of traditional practices associated with food rituals. For example, the black and white, binary understanding of man and woman is contested when a man offers up a pig’s head and tail instead of a woman offering it up at the farewell banquet. The head in this ritual is sometimes call the “daughter’s head” because women are more likely to carry the ritual out, and the responsibility for this particular falls traditionally falls on women, and men even if they do carry out the ritual do not want to report that they carried it out (Thompson 1988: 96). In other words, even though men break categories by offering up the pig’s head and tail, they contend the categories existence. Consequently, the public face of this category remains rigid even though in practice the category’s outline has blurred.

Essentially, food rituals transverses between binary oppositions. Depending on the actual food ritual action, the ritual can either confirm preexisting categories or challenge the identity of the category. Category identify depends upon the actions associated with binary distinction.

Thompson, S. E. 1988. Death, Food, and Fertility. In Death Ritual in Late Imperial and modern China. J. L. Watson and E.S. Rawski, eds. Berkeley: University of California Press.

suicide girls and tattooing in today's society

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Clovis culture still much to be learned

I will discuss the Clovis cultural complex to the best of my abilities due to the lack of solid evidence to indicate how this culture functioned. The basic nature of this complex and some key terms, sites and artifacts that are crucial to this complex, and how this complex became so wide spread in such a short time. Also I will discuss some cultures that came about in direct relationship to the Clovis complex. I will also touch on the evidence of mammoth hunting found only in the Clovis Complex and the projectile points and spear points found that indicate such hunting.
The Clovis cultural complex appeared sometime around 11,500 years before present and has been though to go as far 13,000 years before present. The name was given to this complex due to a site that was found near Clovis New Mexico. This culture is thought to be the oldest culture to inhabit North America. These people, thought to be indigenous people of other lands, came over the Barring Strait from Siberia to Alaska. This has been argued though due to the fact that some of the points found in the south (near or in New Mexico) are dated older than the points found in the north like in the Buttermilk creek site in Texas. This cultural complex is one we know the littlest about so there is room for speculation.
Some of the most information we have been able to determine about this culture is through the points that have been found. The points are very distinct stone spear points, generally fluted on both sides and bifacial. These points are thought to have been used to kill mammoths, thought that is open to interpretation. The reason that some archeologists think that these points were used in this fashion is because many Clovis points were found at sites that contain mammoth bones. Also Clovis points are some of the largest point to be found on this continent and due to the size of mammoths this makes sense.
There is a lot of room for speculation of why this culture spread so quickly, one of the theories is that they had very successful hunting strategies. Another theory is that this culture may not have migrated from only one point into this continent thought this is yet to be proven. However you look at this culture their migratory strategies were vast and worked well seeing that they colonized north and south within one thousand years. This culture gave way too many cultures that followed such as Folsom and Plainview-Goshen.
With so little to go on, in terms of artifacts and definite migratory patterns, it is hard to state one hundred percent fact about this intriguing culture. One thing is for certain though; this culture has a lot to offer the archeological record and is one that will be studied for many years to come. From hunting strategies and the weapons use to the cultures that followed in the footsteps of the Clovis people there is much to be learned.
picture website
http://www.google.com/search?hl=en&gbv=2&biw=1277&bih=521&tbm=isch&sa=1&q=clovis+culture&aq=f&aqi=g1&aql=&oq=

Native American Mascots and the Racism included

The Golden State Warriors are a professional basketball team out of Oakland California. They are part of the Pacific Division of the Western Conference in the National Basketball Association (NBA). The team was first established in 1946, as the Philadelphia Warriors, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. In 1962, the franchise was relocated to San Francisco, California and became known as the San Francisco Warriors until 1971, when its name was changed to the current Golden State Warriors.
The Warriors used to use the Indian mascot shown at the top of the page. Though they changed their mascot to a blue man instead of the cartoon Native person, the name still remains the same. The Oakland based Golden State Warriors have drifted away from any references to its Native American past and it’s currently the only professional team to do so. I couldn’t find the exact group of people who were opposed to the mascot though I bet it was a big one. Some teams are taking the time and money to be more respectful to certain cultures.
I think that the changing of the mascot is a great thing for the team to do. Using cultures as a caricature to promote sports is insulting. If we are going to use cultures why don’t we just say the Cleveland Darkies, the Boston Niggers, or the Denver Chinks? If you’re going to use one culture in such a demeaning way why can’t you just use any and all? African Americans, Latino Americans, and Asian Americans need to help our Native American brothers and sisters in this battle for respect and honor. Equal respect for everyone.

Sustenance strategies for the Hopi, Navajo, and Iroquois.

Food is a means of survival for everyone. Because the Navajo and Hopi were in the same region they had similar means of food, as compared to the Iroquois who had a very different climate.
The Hopi lived in a desolate part of the country were rainfall was usually was less than 10 inches per year. Irrigation systems like floodwater farming were used. Men planted and cultivated crops. The men technically owned the crops, but because the women owned the land its self, when the men gave the harvested goods to his wife to be prepared they became her property. Originally the plants cultivated in the area were kidney beans, tepary beans, maize, cotton, and squash. Other plants were introduced by the Spanish like chili peppers, onions, peaches, watermelons, and wheat. The Hopi also looked tobacco plant. Because farming took almost all the time and game was scarce there was almost no meat in their diet. The farming year began usually in February but it was the sun watcher who determined the time to sow.

The Navajo were in the same region of the country as the Hopi, so they traded regularly. Much like the Hopi’s meals, a lot were without meat, the sheep were a good source of food for them but the herds were sacred and almost like part of the family. The Navajo people’s main source of food was sheep, though as opposed to the Hopi the women did the planting and cultivating. For the most part the Navajo would raise little crops like maize, but mostly they traded the Hopi wool for things like beans and squash.

Sustenance strategies of the Netsilik

Dwellings
The Netsilik people used dome shaped igloo structures made from snow and ice, and wind break made from the same material, (rarely did they use summer tents made from sealskin). Because of the year long winter, minus twenty frost free days, the Netsilik had just the one type of dwelling, the winter house. Igloos are dome-shaped, made from blocks of packed snow. A large igloo can be constructed by a skilled person in less than an hour and can be up to 15 ft. in diameter. The blocks to make the igloo were cut out of a circle drawn to outline the size of the building, these blocks were roughly 20 inches long, 25 inches wide, and 4 inches thick, the blocks held together by loose snow filling the cracks. A tunnel left open for an entry and ice form a river used for a window of sorts.
Clothing
The Netsilik wore tailor made clothes; caribou fur was the primary material. Men wore two parkas, one on the inside (the caribou fur faced inward), and one on the outside used for hunting, fishing, and traveling (the fur faced outwards). On these parkas decorative panels of light fur adorned the shoulders. Two pairs of trousers were also used from hips to knees with an opening for elimination. These were met by two pairs of boots; the outer boot was sealskin because of its water proofing. Women wore clothes that were much the same, slightly bulkier with only one set of trousers; boots attached and held on by a belt. The woman’s parka had a roomy compartment for infants placed at the back.
Tools
The Netsilik because of the sacristy of wood used antler for the handles of weapons, things such as adzes, this tool is something like an ax but set at a right angle to the handle. They used antler for handles because it was easily shapeable, stone and bone were used for blades, use of weirs for fishing, they also made use of other traps. They had a very interesting array of weapons, mostly spears. They used bows and arrows for land animals, but harpoons were their main weapon. Harpoons are long shafts with barbed tips attached to sinew cord. They used smaller ones for seals and bigger ones waited with ivory for whales.
Transportation (with means to sustenance)
Netsilik move by means of dog sled, these sleds were made from frozen fish, what little wood they could find antler, and sealskin. The runners would be covered by water to make the sled slide freely over the snow, pulled by dogs. These people also had canoes for fishing Harpoons as stated earlier are long shafts with barbed ends attached to string. With smaller harpoons the men would hunt seals; they did this by waiting at the small hole in the ice seals used to breath from every fifteen minutes. This process could take hours upon hours, and was very physically demanding, starving was always a threat. Bigger harpoons were used for animals like sea lions and whales, the men would go out in large canoe teams to do this. On rare occasion the men would find polar bear tracks, to kill this animal they would first let the dogs loose then using everything they had attempt to take down this massive animal. Early in the year if possible the men would hunt caribou that were migrating using bow and arrows and harpoons.

picture website

http://www.google.com/search?hl=en&gbv=2&tbm=isch&sa=X&ei=iSjoTa-uFMrL0QHs8siwAQ&ved=0CDgQBSgA&q=netsilik+clothing&spell=1&biw=1277&bih=521

Northwest Plains Projectile point Chronology

Time line
 Historic/Protohistoric- 500 to 150 BP
 Late Prehistoric- 650to 1,900 BP
 Late Archaic- 1,900 to 4,100 BP
 Early Archaic- 4,100 to 8,100 (roughly)
 Paleo-Indian - 8,100 to 12,000

Projectile point Chronology
• Protohistoric/historic- from a few fifties of years up to present, a few Tri-notched and Plains Side Notched.
• Late prehistoric 250 BP to 1,900 BP- Triangular, Prairie Side Notched, Avonlea, Tri-notched and Plains Side Notched.
• Archaic/ Middle Prehistoric 1,900BP to 7,500- Bitterroot, Pelican Lake, Oxbow, Hanna, Duncan, McKean, and Besant (also found a little in Late Prehistoric).
• Paleo-Indian/ Early Prehistoric- Hell Gap, Scotts Bluff, Eden, Agate Basin, and Clovis (attached to Folsom and Goshen discussed below).
The Folsom complex follows the Clovis period they both overlap with Goshen (dating indefinite). Folsom projectile points, radiocarbon dating states they were in the area from roughly 10,900 to 10,200 BP.
Midland level following Folsom dated between 10,700 and 10,400 BP. Projectile point similar to Folsom except for lack of fluting.
The Hell Gap Cultural complex had radiocarbon dating from 10,300 to 9,500 BP.
Early plains Archaic started (best found points for radiocarbon dating in Mummy cave) 8,500 BP ended (Mummy cave) 5,250 BP.

Picture website

http://www.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://www.nps.gov/seac/outline/02-paleoindian/point_types.gif&imgrefurl=http://www.nps.gov/seac/outline/02-paleoindian/index.htm&h=833&w=600&sz=52&tbnid=X-DUs0py1L8UnM:&tbnh=92&tbnw=66&prev=/search%3Fq%3Dprojectile%2Bpoint%2Bpictures%26tbm%3Disch%26tbo%3Du&zoom=1&q=projectile+point+pictures&usg=__GUPCOzZcwF8vwAHKkBLL1Mxcb8A=&sa=X&ei=ayboTavjD8fw0gHf3aDBAQ&ved=0CB8Q9QEwAQ&dur=2184